By Abeer Allam in Qatif
Aziza Abdullah had always regarded Saudi Arabia's Shia minority with suspicion and curiosity.
Like many Saudis, she considered the Shia, primarily present in the oil-rich Eastern province, as potential traitors, loyal to their brethren in Iran and busy plotting against Sunni Muslims. Many question whether the Shia, who comprise between 1.5m and 2m of Saudi Arabia's 25m people, are even Muslims at all.
So for Ms Abdullah, a visit to the largely Shia coastal region of Qatif was an eye-opening experience. She was surprised to learn that Saudi Shia speak Arabic not Farsi and revere the Koran, rather than "texts sent from Iran".
Ms Abdullah said: "My friends told me not to go, and said they might poison me. We hear all kinds of stories, but I wanted to see for myself and I think we are not that different.''
Ms Abdullah's visit to Qatif was organised by Shia activists seeking to challenge myths and stereotypes about their religious rituals and social norms.
Radical Shia and Sunni leaders often stoke sectarian isolationism, mainly to guard against conversion. Anti-Shia prejudice extends throughout the religious establishment, with publicly subsidised mosques, television shows and school textbooks used to decry the Shia as "heretics".
In particular, radical Wahhabi clerics suggest the Shia have a religious and political affiliation with Iran, the kingdom's key regional rival.
"The state still deals with the Shia as a security issue, not as citizens who have issues,'' says Mohamed Mahfouz, a Shia writer. "Iran has a regional political agenda and it is using a sectarian cover."
Saudi Shia note the irony that even though radical Sunni formed al-Qaeda, pledged to topple the royal family and carried out domestic terrorist attacks, the state questions the loyalty of the Shia.
Yet Saudi Shia say matters have improved since violent protests broke out in Eastern province in support of the Iranian revolution in 1979.
In 1993, most Shia opposition members returned to the Saudi kingdom after the late King Fahd promised to relax political restrictions in return for moderation.
As Crown Prince, King Abdullah began a "national dialogue" in 2003, partly to address Shia concerns. Shia leaders say access to jobs and education has expan-ded since then. Municipal elections in Qatif saw Shia victories, and the king has allowed open observance of the Shia festival of Ashura.
But many school textbooks still refer to Shia rituals as idolatrous, and Shia are banned from teaching religion, serving as general judges or holding senior military or security positions, according to a report by Human Rights Watch.
Even after a broad reshuffle in February 2009, no Shia was given a senior ministerial, diplomatic or bureaucratic post.
"The government and the state media ignore us as if we do not exist,'' said Sheikh Fawzy Al-Saif, a Shia religious leader.
"We have more liberty than our parents but people do not feel grateful because the government grants rights unofficially and sporadically. People need to have a clear signal from the government that they are part of this country.''
Shia complain about the glacial pace of reform, but experts say King Abdullah, who is to visit the US for talks with Barack Obama, US president, on Tuesday, has to balance change with the hostility of the religious establishment.
Sheikh Hassan Al-Saffar, an eloquent Shia leader, advocates hope and non-violent resistance to discrimination. But young Saudi Shia, inspired by the growing power of their brethren in Iraq and Lebanon, wait in frustration for equality.
"Sheikh Hassan is a positive soft power who reins in Shia extremists,'' says a western observer in Riyadh, the capital. "But if the government does not give the community tangible rights, they will make him lose his credibility.''
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